ü Following information on social media recently, the most heated discussions are about the Papua Special Autonomy which is due to end in 2021.
ü Towards the end of the Special Autonomy, two groups are expected to be formed. The first groups are those who want Papua’s Special Autonomy extended, while the other group wants the Papua Special Autonomy package not to be extended or simply reject the Special Autonomy and call for a referendum on independence.
ü Seeing this fact; we the 58 West Papuan Indigenous Catholic Pastors from five dioceses in the Land of Papua moved by the events pay special attention to the responsibilities that God has entrusted to us as shepherds of His people to guide and direct them so that they will not become victims to be scattered by the enemy as it has been going on for too long.
ü We do not want to be missed and wolves enter and scatter the black & curly Ships, as Shepherds in our ancestral lands, we convey the cry and longing of Indigenous Pastors throughout Papua as voices of our people.
ü WHY IS IT THAT THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF WEST PAPUA ARE REJECTING THE SPECIAL AUTONOMY? SPECIAL AUTONOMY IS DEAD, SOULD PAPUA PEOPLE BE ALOWED TO DETERMINE THEIR OWN DESTINY?
We would like to share our EXPEREINCES TRHOUGH OUR PASTORAL STUDIES TO FIND THE ROOT OF THE PROBLEM THAT IS IN THE SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART (I) which will is due to end in 2021. And WE WOULD ASPIRE TO OFFER TRANFORMATIVE THOUGHTS
TO END THE LONGEST CONFLICT IN THE LAND OF PAPUA.
A. THE BACKGROUND OF THE BIRTH OF THE SPECIAL AUTONOMY 2001 – 2021:
ü Special Autonomy for the West Papuan People was the Republic of Indonesia’s Political solution to the aspirations of Indigenous Papuans to self-determination requested in 1999 and 2000 through the Papua Governor’s Congress and the Second Papuan Congress.
ü WE ARE APPEALING TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO SUPPORT THE CALL MADE BY THE WEST PAPUAN PEOPLE TO DETERMINE THEIR OWN DESTINY IN THEIR GOD GIVEN LAND
ü The respond by the State through Law No. 21 of 2001 concerning SPECIAL AUTONOMY FOR PAPUA PROVINCE was through a document containing 24 chapters and 79 articles passed in Jakarta on November 21, 2001, by the President of the Republic of Indonesia Megawati Soekarno Putri.
ü It was expected that with the 2001 Special Autonomy Law, Papuans would aspire:
· To overcome the development gap between the Papua region and other regions in Indonesia.
· The Special Autonomy Law constitutes a form of “acknowledgement” by the
Government of Indonesia to the Indigenous Papuans.
· to provide opportunities for participation by the indigenous Papuans in all sectors of Development.
· to manage and utilize natural resources to improve the welfare
of Papuans. Papuans were expected to play an active role in the policy
making process through their representatives, both in the Parliament (DPRP), Customary representatives (MRP) and the bureaucracy.
In other words: * With various authorities delegated through the Special
Autonomy Law (especially the existence of the MRP and the Special
Autonomy Fund) shows that the Government of Indonesia respects Papua’s
Political and Socio-Cultural Aspirations. * The Indonesian government has
admitted there were mistakes in managing Papua in the past. * Politically, the
Papua Special Autonomy Law is a point of compromise or a new balance point
between the demands of Papuan self-determination and the interests of the Government of Indonesia during the Political Crisis in Papua in 1998 – 2001.
B. JAKARTA DESIGNING THE CONTINUATION OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II:
ü SPECIAL AUTONOMY FUND IMPORTANT MEETING 2002 – 2021 Key Issues discussed: The President stated that the government have spent a total of RP 94.24 trillion in the Papua Special Autonomy Fund, and he requested for an evaluation before extending it. Because Papua’s special autonomy will end in 2021. His request is so that: * Overall evaluation of the Special Autonomy Fund and its management done by an independent body. * conducted a paradigm, a new way of working with a system that can showcase Papua and West Papua communities. * Consult with communities in Papua and West Papua, in order to create policies that can develop Papuan and West Papuan communities.
ü MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: The Papua Special Autonomy Bill is
urgently discussed because it will end in 2021. There are two alternative
scenarios for the draft law (Papua Autonomy). The first is to only carry out
the sustainability of the Special Autonomy Fund by two percent of the
general allocation Fund. Second, continue the results of the 2014 discussion
of the Draft Law on Papua’s Provincial Autonomy. In short, the funds
continued, the Special Autonomy continued, said Tito, in a hearing with
Commission II of the Indonesian Parliament, Wednesday 22/01/2020. “In
principle, we want to accelerate development in Papua, affirmative action,
so that issues that can damage the integrity of the Republic of Indonesia are
contained,” he continued.
C. PROS AND CONS CONCERNING SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II
1. MANY PEOPLE INCUDING THE CHURCHES, NGOs AND PEOPLE’S ORGANIZATIONS IN PAPUA REJECT SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II:
ü The rejection of Special Autonomy also came from the Governor of Papua, Lukas Enembe, who criticized the ineffectiveness of the regulations in the autonomy law and suggested to return the Special Autonomy funds to the
central government. The Indonesian military and the intelligence spies always suspected of the Papuan government officials of supporting pro-independence movement and often intimidated. “Special Autonomy Fund is also not enough to sustain the overall budget and developmental needs of the province, we better just return it. The Special Autonomy Fund cannot finance development in Papua. Just imagine Rp. 100 billion is only able to finance the
construction of two bridges in the central mountain region of Papua”, said Lukas Enembe. According to Enembe, in his leadership, 80% of Special Autonomy was managed by the Regency and 20% was managed by the Province. They hope that the lives of Papuans will change, apparently it is not. In fact, a number of issues were deliberately exhaled to discredit officials in Papua.
ü REJECTION OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II also came from the Papuan People’s Assembly (MRP) PAPUA & WEST PAPUA MRP. The
MRP Plenary Results of Papua and West Papua decided that:
1) Decision on the fulfilment of the constitutional rights of Indigenous Papuans in political recruitment related to the nomination of the Regent and Deputy Regent in Papua & West Papua.
2) Protection of Human Rights for Indigenous Papuans.
3) Protection of human rights to all students or students of Papua and West Papua who are studying in all regions of the Republic of Indonesia.
4) Withdrawal of the Special Autonomy Package Law in the Land of Papua. The Papua and West Papua MRPs have also produced a RECOMMENDATION, namely ASKING THE GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA TO IMMEDIATELY DIALOGUE WITH ULMWP for the Settlement of the Human Rights Problem in Peace and Dignity mediated by a third party, (Suara Papua.Com, by Arnol Belau).
ü REJECTION OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY comes from ULMWP, ULMWP’s executive director. Markus Haluk said: “ULMWP continues to commit to continue to fight for and realize the right to determine their own rice
balls in accordance with the vision and mission by garnering the
support of the people of West Papua and the Melanesian allied
countries.” “Learning from the experience of the Papuan people now
taking a firm stance stop deceiving us with the Special Autonomy
confectionery of their colonial Indonesian state which has deceived
the Papuan Community,” he said.
ü REJECTION OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II also came from 33 peoples’ organizations. Responding to the continued discussion of Special
Autonomy PART II, 16 Organizations stated the SPECIAL AUTONOMY
REJECTION ATTITUDE AND LAUNCHED THE PAPUA
PEOPLE’S PETITION TO BE DONE ALL OVER THE PAPUA REGION. They asked all parties discussing Special Autonomy to return it to the Papuan people to decide. Teleconference facilitated by Media Jubi through Senior Papuan journalist, Viktor Mambor, (Suara Papua.Com, 5 July 2020, 1.24 Papua Time).
ü REJECTION OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II came from INDONESIAN PEOPLE’S FRONT for WEST PAPUA (FRI-WP): “One of FRI WP’s spokesperson, Paulus Surya Anta Ginting in the Launching of the Papua Raykat Petition Rejecting Special Autonomy is:” Calling on PEOPLE AMBER or NON PAPUA in Papua to unite with the Raykat Movement in Papua to reject the special autonomy to be extended and give the Right to Self-Determination as a Democratic Solution for the Papuan People. “
ü REJECTION OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II also came from the PAPUA CHURCH BOARD (WPCC) because it was designed unilaterally by Indonesian government.
In the Press Release, on July 5, 2020, Church Leaders who joined
the Papua Church Council issued an Annual Reflection entitled:
“God Special Autonomy and Indonesia’s Development in Papua is Dead.” They
saw promises from the Government of Indonesia towards God’s
People in the Land of Papua for the welfare of the Papuan People,
in fact turned into the Tragedy of Humanity and Disasters,
Suffering, droplets of tears, prolonged bloodshed and scattered
bones that were experienced by the people of Papua in their own
lands. “We ask for justice from the Government of the Republic of
Indonesia to resolve the ongoing conflict in Papua.
ü REJECTION OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II also came from
SOLIDARITY OF WOMEN IN PAPUA. The deputy chairperson of
Papua Women’s Solidarity, Naci Jacgueline Hamadi, said that
Papuan women had never known about the Special Autonomy funds
that were poured into their regions. That’s because the use of special
autonomy funds for 21 years very rarely involve women, “so that
the special autonomy of Papua returned to Jakarta and the central
government poured funds with other provinces in Indonesia,”
Hamadi said, (Thursday 9/7/2020. Jubi).
ü SPECIAL AUTONOMY REJECTION PART II came from the Special Envoy of ULMWP ACTION COMMITTEE, Ice Murib, “Papuan women
reject Special Autonomy, because almost most Papuans have stated
that Special Autonomy has failed and brought no profit.” She continued, “The
Papuan people have agreed to reject the enactment of Law number
21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy PART II and ask the
Government to immediately hold a Referendum for West Papua that
is the solution.” (Jubi, Thursday 9/7/2020. Jubi).
ü REJECTION OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II also came from YOUTH AND STUDENTS OF YAHUKIMO DISTRICT, the contents of his
call: “We are Youth and Students of Kab. Yahukimo flatly rejected
the Extension of Special Autonomy. Referendum Solution in West Papua “, (Info Sosmed, 7 July at 14.09).
ü SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II REJECTION also came from the THESPECIAL AUTONOMY ACTION COMMITTEE, in Jakarta in front of the Indonesian Ministry of Home Affairs. The contents of his call:
“Reject Autonomy PART 2. Give the right to self-determination
as a Democratic solution,” read the letter on the big banner, Tuesday,
July 14, 2020, (Sind 8 News Com. By Komaruddin Bagja
In conclusion, for the West Papua Indigenous People, the SPECIAL AUTONOMY is a dish from 20 years ago and it has become stale for the people
of Papua. So if it is to be continued to feed the people, then it is already POISONED.
2. THERE ARE SOME PEOPLE OR COMMUNITIES
COMPONENTS IN THE LAND OF PAPUA WHO WANTS THE
SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II BE CONTINUED:
ü Support came from Albert Ali Kabiay, Chairman of the Mandala
Trikora Youth Regional Council (DPD) Papua Young. Ali Kabiay
invited people in Papua Province to support Special Autonomy
PART II. He added: “The Central Government grants Special
Autonomy to Papua so that the acceleration of Development, be it
Development of infrastructure, economy, education, Papua health is
better,” (told reporters on Tuesday 7 July 2020, nusantarapost.id).
D. WHAT IS THE ROOT OF THE PROBLEM: PROS AND CONS CONTAINED THE SPECIAL AUTONOMY
1. WHAT IS WRONG WITH THE ARTICLES IN THE SPECIAL AUTONOMY LAW?
As per the book entitled Revision of the Special Autonomy
Law: WHY GIVING ANXIETY IN PAPUA ??? In particular, pp. 29-34,
number of information regarding some of the articles that
were problematic in the Special Autonomy Law PART I was identified.
üArticle 1 which states that “Papua Province is the Province of Irian Jaya
which the Special Autonomy is to be granted within the framework of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia.” This article confirms that the territory of
Papua Province is the entire territory of the Province of Irian Jaya
whose boundaries are emphasized in the Elucidation of the Special
Autonomy Law. The fact is that at present, the general articles and sections of the explanation of the Special Autonomy Law are no longer relevant,
because the province was broken up into two provinces, namely Papua
and West Papua.
ü The authority of the Papua DPRP as stipulated in Article 7 of the
Special Autonomy Law, since the direct election of the Governor in
Papua in 2006 has automatically become irrelevant. The article states
that the DPRD has the duty and authority of “electing the Governor and Deputy Governor, especially paragraph 1 stating” electing
representatives of the Papua Province as members of the Indonesian
MPR. Since the formation of the Regional Representative Council
(DPD) through the 2004 elections, the regional delegates in the MPR
RI are no longer known. DPD members are elected directly by the
People based on Personal Nominations in the election.
ü The most severe problems are found in Articles 19, 20, 21 which form
the basis for MRP’s presence in Papua. MRP as the cultural representatives of Indigenous Papuans who have certain authorities in the framework of protecting the RIGHTS OF PAPUANS BECAME A SERIOUS PROBLEM since the recognition of the existence of the Province of West Papua. The Special Autonomy Law defines indigenous Papuans as “persons belonging to the Melanesian Race family consisting of indigenous tribes in the Papua Province and or persons who are accepted as indigenous Papuans by the community.” With such understanding, MRP is a representation of all people who come from the Melanesian Race family in the Land of Papua. Consequently, the MRP must also have the duty and authority to give consideration and approval to all Governors and policies in the form of local laws (Perdasus) and policies (Perdasi) in Papua. Now this authority cannot be exercised by the MRP, because in the election of the Governor of West Papua, the candidates are not elected by the MRP but by the people. In addition, the MRP also cannot oversee the Government of West Papua, because the MRP is not declared for the Province.
ü In addition, the articles included in CHAPTER IX concerning
FINANCE, if not changed, will also become Problem in the future.
Does Papua Province still have the authority to receive income from
regions that are now West Papua Province (?) This is related to the
percentage of Papua Province revenue stated in Article 34, namely
regional own-source revenue consisting of regional taxes, regional
levies, and the results of consideration in Special Autonomy order.
ü Another problem in Papua is the PROBLEM OF HOW TO RESOLVE
HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES. To resolve the human rights
problem in West Papua, the existing mechanisms in Papua Province
can be used, namely the Court of Human Rights Violators, and the
Kimisi of Justice and Reconciliation (KKR) as regulated by Articles
45 and 46 of the Special Autonomy Law. Although these two
instruments have not yet been established in Papua, the issue remains
relevant to be immediately addressed so as not to become a hindrance
in fulfilling PAPUA ORIGINAL RIGHTS in the Province of West
ü Some of the articles we picked up from that book, which we see as
ROOTS-WHY, SPECIAL AUTONOMY IS NOT DONE WITH
COMPLETELY HEART IN THE LAND OF PAPUA.
(The source we use from the Special Autonomy Law Revision
Discourse Book: WHY GETS ANXIETY IN PAPUA ?? The author
Amirudin Al Rahab, Yusman Conoras. Editor, Adriana Elisabeth &
2. OUR IMPRESSIONS: THE DIFFERENCE OF UNDERSTANDING
OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY PAPUA, BETWEEN THE JAKARTA PEOPLE AND THE INDIGENOUS WEST PAPUA, DURING SPECIAL AUTONOMY SECOND EDITION IMPLEMENTED: JAKARTA GOVERNMENT UNDERSTANDING ABOUT SPECIAL AUTONOMY
PART I PAPUA:
ü The Jakarta Government understands and sees Special Autonomy only in terms of SPECIAL AUTONOMY FUND DISTRIBUTION. On the other hand, for the people of Papua, the matter of self-esteem as human beings with dignity and the right to live in peace in the land of their ancestors have not been respected.
ü The Jakarta government thinks SPECIAL AUTONOMY IS THE SAME BY BUILDING PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE PROJECTS, such as building roads, bridges, hospitals, airports, sea port docks.
ü The Jakarta Government thinks SPECIAL AUTONOMY IS THE SAME AS YOU QUICKLY INVITING SHARE OWNERS FROM OUTSIDE OF THE PALM TO THE EMPTY LANDS IN PAPUA AND DAMAGE THE
FORESTS, TAKE PRODUCTIVE WOODS, OPEN THE FARMERS OF
PALM OIL, AND TAKE CARE OF THE FORESTS, MANAGING THE
FREEPORT EXPLORATION, ETC.
ü The Jakarta government thinks SPECIAL AUTONOMY IS THE SAME WITH GOVERNMENT SPLITS. Expansion of Regency, Province, adds extra Police Posts & Military Posts.
ü The Government is NOT SERIOUS TO IMPLEMENT SPECIAL AUTONOMY TRUSTED RELATIONSHIP WITH THE HUMAN RIGHTS COURT, the TRC was not given a place in the Special Autonomy period of 20 years and in the future any Papuans are certain that it will not be realized. Many
cases of Humanity have not been handled properly, such as;
INDIGENOUS PAPUAN THOUGTHS ABOUT SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART I:
ü ADVANCING PAPUA ORIGINAL PEOPLE through EDUCATION.
Building a good school and the availability of sufficient teaching staff. In
fact, special education in rural and coastal schools that used to be active,
in the Special Autonomy area received less attention, so many schools
have been “suspended animation”, even though there are many indigenous
Papuan children attend school.
ü EMPOWER PAPUANS IN WORK ENVIRONMENT
Papuans are the Main Actors. In fact, with the Special Autonomy Fund for Papuans who should be the subject, even though it is marginalized, for example: road, house, and bridge projects that use the Special Autonomy Fund for workforce are brought in from outside Papua. Papuan native children are not involved in the project, so most are unemployed.
ü ORIGINAL PAPUA PROSPEROUS ON THE RICH LAND
According to 2009 Papua Bappeda data, natural resources (SDA) in Papua currently amount to 2.5 billion tons. The content of gold and copper reserves and the Tangguh mine also have gas reserves of 14.4 trillion cubic meters from
field gold or as many as 24 TSCF of the total National 108 TSCF. A total
of 540 million cubic meters of sustainable commercial timber potential,
and 9 million hectares of large-scale plantation conventions. in addition,
the coastline is 2 thousand miles and waters area is 228 thousand square
kilometers and Papua has a fishing potential of 1.3 million tons per year.
THE FACT, in the Papua Province of the 2 million inhabitants currently,
almost half the population of Papua which is 40.78% lives in the status of
POOR Household (RTM). Based on the National Socioeconomic Survey
(SUSENAS) BPS 2010 shows PAPUA PROVINCE IS THE POOREST
PROVINCE NUMBER 2 IN INDONESIA.
ü IN HEALTH
In addition to the construction of hospitals, more than that
health services should save the Papuans. But in fact, in the Special
Autonomy era many Indigenous Papuans who were mildly ill returned home in
a state of death.
ü PAPUA ORIGINAL PEOPLE APPRECIATE AS A VALUABLE &
DIGNIFIED HUMAN RACE. In the Era of Special Autonomy, STILL THERE
ARE racial Abuse AGIANST PAPUAN PEOPLE AS MONKEYS.
As we all know: Towards the Republic of Indonesia’s Independence Day,
August 15th, 2019, the students held a demonstration to commemorate the
New York Agreement on August 15, 1962, between the Netherlands and
Indonesia. This demonstration was initiated by the Papuan Student
Alliance (AMP) and the Indonesian People’s Front for West Papua (FRIWP) in several cities: Jayapura, Ternate, Ambon, Sula (Maluku), Bandung,
Yogyakarta, Malang, Surabaya and Jakarta. From the actions in various
cities, Surabaya and Malang received a great attention, because of the
RACIST DISASTER HATE TO THE PAPUA STUDENTS which was
carried out by members of the Community Organization Communication
Forum for Retired Boys and Girls and the Military Defendants (FKPPI),
also the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). The racist hatred says “MONKEY”
to Papuan students sparked a wave of protests and protests by Papuan
masses in various cities in the country.
ü IN HUMAN RIGHTS
Respect the rights of life of indigenous Papuans on
their ancestral lands. BUT, IT’S REAL: Papuans have a long history,
outline: 6 July 1998 Bloody blood, 2001 April – October Bloody Wasior
117 people killed, 10 November 2001 Murder of Theys Hiyo Eluway, 21
November 2001 Ratification of the Papua SPECIAL AUTONOMY Act, 6 May Dogiyai Incident 10 died, 2001 Kaimana incident 18 people died, 2002 Abepura
bled 63 people died, 4 April 2003 Wamena bled 47 people died, December
2014 Paniai bled 5 people died, 8 March 2015 Yahokimo incident 3 people
died, 12 July 2015 Tolikara Incident 11 people killed, 2018 Nduga military
operation, August 16, 2019 Racism, March events in Mimika 2 people are
B. WHAT WILL HAPPEN WHEN SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II WAS IMPOSED TO LAND OF PAPUA?
1. SHORT TERM
We see that the “TIME BOMB” sides have been formed, which will give birth to a HORIZONTAL CONFLICT.
ü Appeared on social media, the Nusantara Association.
ü The existence of the Red and White Community.
ü There is news that Brother Fadlan Garamatan has instilled animosity
between Papuan children. After we read the news with the title: 300
PAPUA SANTRI TRAINED COUNTRIES, Fadlan: THEY WILL
TAKE CARE OF INDONESIA IN EAST INDONESIA, then according to us:
indirectly they have built an attitude of hatred and mistrust between Muslim Papuan children as INDONESIANS, while Christian Papuan children not seen as the Indonesians.
2. LONG TERM
THERE WILL BE ENMITY
ü If the Jakarta Government still enforces its discretion, SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II will be carried out explicitly because it is motivated by the words of Dr. Ali Murtopo, Special Operations commander: “Jakarta never ever has interested to serve Indigenous Papuans, but Jakarta just only interested to have the place Irian Jaya (West Papua). If you want independence, then you should ask God to be give a place on an island in the Pacific Ocean, or write to the Americans to find a place on the moon.”
ü In Fact, on the 16th of August 2019, there was an UNWANTED ACCIDENT which impacted the old memory in the Papuan Students’
dormitory in Surabaya, East Java. They also sang the national anthem of Indonesia while screaming racist words like “MONKEYS”. Others racist
expression: “come out! Come out! Papua come out! “Killed Papuans!
Killed Papuans!. In short, “the people around dormitory asking them
to come out so that they could bit them and might be also kill them”.
ü So, there are our anxiety from our heart, Dr. Adnan Buyung Nasution,
SH, notes: “soon or late Indonesia will lost Papua. Realize or
unrealized, like or do not like, we will lost Papua, because we failed
gain their heart”.
ü This statement also agree by Amien Rais & Rocky Gerung, they said :
“A VICTORY OF WEST PAPUA DIPLOMAT IN THE
INTERNATIONAL LEVEL”. And also noted by foreign minister
office in their respond to the improvement of West Papua Diplomacy
in International Level. Until, the Chairman of Human Rights
Commission of in the UN decided West Papua status as a “CONFLICT
C. THE BASIS OF OUR CALLS, 58 PERSONAL CATHOLIC PASTORS
FOR FIVE PAPUA SEREGIO INCLUSIONS, TO END THE PAPUA
CONFLICT OF THE LONGEST IN INDONESIA.
Based on the PASTORAL CONSTITUTION CONCERNING THE
CHURCH IN THIS ADULT WORLD, it reads: “EXCITATION AND
EXPECTATIONS, the grief and anxiety of people today, especially the poor
and anyone suffering, is the joy and hope, the grief and anxiety of Christ’s
disciples too. (Gaudium et Spes 1)
We are indigenous priests speaking, NOT for us, BUT FOR CHILDREN’S
CUCU, THE NATION OF PAPUA-MELANESIA, …. IN OR DO NOT
UNTIL HUMAN BLACK LEATHER & HAIR CURRENT, ALLAH’S
IMAGES ARE EXCEPT ABOUT THE ENVIRONMENTAL SOIL. ….. Or
at least, so that we don’t inherit the pain, hatred & anger that we experienced
during this time from the BROTHERS of MALAY or INDONESIA, INTO
THE INNER OF OUR SISTERS – THE NATION OF MELANESIA.
D. 58 INDIGENOUS CATHOLIC PASTORS IN FIVE
PAPUA DIOCEASE APPEAL
1. We the 58 PASTORS WHO WERE BORN OF THE WOMBS OF PAPUAN
MOTHERS, No longer want to see or hear OUR BROTHERERS BEING
ARRESTED, CHASED, RAPED, ABUSED, ALLEGATIONS AND
KILLED LIKE ANIMALS. We also don’t want to be valued in MONETARY terms. We do not want to be treated unfairly ON OUR LAND. Enough of spilling BLOOD ON OUR MOTHER EARTH OR IN OUR OWN HERITAGE IN ORDER TO AVOID NEW CONFLICT. WE ASK THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT NOT TO FORCE SPECIAL AUTONOMY PART II ON PAPUANS. We in Papua yearn for the re-emergence of “PRESIDENT GUSDUR’S ERA”, the man who knew us, understood us, wants to hear us, and has a very humanistic art of communication. We don’t need a Military with Violence, let alone like Imposing Will without deliberation towards consensus.
2. WE ASK FOR THE INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT TO END THE
EXTENSIVE CONFLICT IN PAPUA PEACEFULLY THROUGH IALOGUE
As far as we have seen and heard and followed on social media, all elements of the Grassroots Society in Papua, they asked the Indonesian Government to engage in dialogue with a ULMWP meditated by a THIRD PARTY that was NEUTRAL, as was done with GAM in Aceh. We are so sure, Dialogue will not kill, dialogue does not hurt & dialogue does not make us stupid. Conversely, if we use violent methods, we will always leave physical and mental wounds. Whatever the reason, KILLING IS WRONG-SIN.
What do you want to talk about in the dialogue? We SEE THE NEED TO
DISCUSS 4 ROOT PROBLEMS, which have been conveyed by LIPI & JDP,
ü HISTORY & STATUS OF POLITICAL INTEGRATION OF PAPUA TO
ü VIOLENCE & BREACH OF HUMAN RIGHTS SINCE 1963 UNTIL
ü DISCRIMINATION AND MARGINALIZATION OF PAPUA PEOPLE
IN THEIR OWN.
ü FAILURE OF DEVELOPMENT INCLUDING EDUCATION,
HEALTH, PEOPLE’S ECONOMY.
And, permanently, DIALOGUE APPROACHES MUST BE A NEW
POLICY TO BUILD A STABLE AND PROSPEROUS PAPUA, NOT
VIOLENCE & ADDITION OF FORCES.
3. Based on the Circular of the MINISTER OF RELIGION OF RI: “WE LOVE
PAPUA,” those words are very good and true, so that the Papuans can believe.
Therefore, we ask the Indonesian government to allow foreign journalists to
enter Papua to see and cover the results of development in Papua during the
Special Autonomy 2001 to 202I.
4. WE URGENT THE PAPUA AND WEST PAPUA MRP TO
IMMEDIATELY CONTAIN PAPUA PEOPLE’S CONDITIONS FROM
THE SECOND PROVINCE JOINTS, so that in the Mubes the Papuan Communities / Indigenous People can talk together, formulate common
fundamentals and take a joint attitude towards the BASIC RIGHTS IN THE
PROVINCE, ADVANCING PAPUA ORIGINAL PEOPLE IN THEIR
E. CONCLUSION: TRANFORMATIVE THINKING, TOWARDS A
PROSPEROUS INDONESIA AND PAPUA PEACEFULLNESS AND
POINT OF COMMUNITY COMMITMENT THAT IS FAIR AND DUTY,
BETWEEN TWO OLD FRIENDS, PAPUA ORIGINAL PEOPLE (Ras
Melanesia) WITH INDONESIAN PEOPLE (Ras Melayu) ARE:
First, the Indonesians and Papuans share the same ideals and uphold the VALUE OF HUMAN LIFE, WHICH IS ON PAPUA EARTH, BASED ON THE SECOND precepts: HUMANITARIAN FAIR & CIVILIZED. All people who live in the country, from cultural entities and any ethnic group, so that there is a determination to stop oppressing and killing one another.
Secondly, the Government of Indonesia and all the people of Indonesia
acknowledge and THE MOST APPRECIATION OF IDENTITY, STANDARD
AND VALUE OF PAPUA INDIGENOUS AS A MASTER ON THE
COUNTRY OF HERITAGE. Therefore, Papuans must lead their own country.
There must be responsible freedom in the hands of the Papuan people for their
country, and for their relations with their adopted brothers Indonesia.
Third, from this understanding and commitment, THE GOVERNMENT OF
INDONESIA COULD SET THE BEST ATTITUDES AND DECISIONS FOR
PAPUA, which is still part of the Indonesian people and the territorial territory
of Indonesian law. The government made a spectacular and very prestigious
political decision to provide a REFERENDUM opportunity for PAPUA. The
government accepts any results from the Papua Referendum, and will fully
support Papua Reform after the great political decision.
These things, don’t think about the advantages or disadvantages of natural resources in Papua. If based on the results of the referendum held honestly and fairly, it turns out that the majority of the people of Papua choose independence, then make Papua free … and there the Indonesian government remains with Papua to bring Papua as a leader in Melanesia to reach the golden age of the Pacific, so there is no more water Eyes and Blood again on the Land of Papua with Indonesia
And in the realm of Papuan independence, THE NATIONS OF PAPUA ARE
BROTHER AND FRIENDS OF THE NATION OF INDONESIA. Papua is
INDONESIA’S MAIN PROSPERITY PARTNERS TO PREFER INDONESIA,
TOWARD THE AGENCY OF ARCHIPELAGO AGENCY OF
AGRICULTURE Asian Adhidaya and The New Super Power of the World
REPLACE THE AMERICA AND THE WEST HEGEMONY.
At that moment, PAPUA and INDONESIA WILL APPEAR SAME AS A
STRENGTH OF GLOBAL COMMUNITY UPDATING.
OH GOD, WE HAVE CURSED AND BEARS WILL BE EATING THE
SAME GRASS, THE CHILDREN THAT FEED OUT WILL PLAY NEAR
CLOSE SNAKE AND CHILDREN THAT DID THE MILK WOULD LET
THE HANDS OUT TO THE VELOCES.
ALL THE WISDOM OF GOD EMERGING OF THE PROPHET’S ISAIAH 11: 1-16.
On behalf of 58 Indigenous Catholic Priests Five Dioceses in the Region of Papua Pastor Alberto John Bunay, Pr Person in charge Indigenous Catholic Priests from 5 Dioceses in the Land of Papua
1. P. Yanuarius M. You, Pr.
2. P. Bernardus Bofitwos Baru, OSA.
3. P. Yanuarius A.P. Dou, Pr.
4. P. Marten Kuayo, Pr.
5. P. Alberto John Bunai, Pr.
6. P. Izaak Bame, Pr.
7. P. Immanuel James Kossay, Pr.
8. P. Yohanes E.G. Kayame, Pr.
9. P. Fredy Pawika, OFM.
10. P. Theodorus Kossay, OFM.
11. P. Adrianus Tutup, Pr.
12. P. Emanuel Tenau, Pr.
13. P. Silvester Tokyo, Pr.
14. P. Yuvensius Tekege, Pr.
15. P. Hubertus Magai, Pr.
16. P. Agustinus Tebay, Pr.
17. P. Edy Doga, Pr.
18. P. Yohanes Slomon Sedik, OSA.
19. P. Kleopas Sondegau, Pr.
20. P. Meki Mulait, Pr.
21. P. Yanuarius Yelipele, Pr.
22. P. Daud Wilil, Pr.
23. P. Damianus Uropmabin, Pr.
24. P. Benyamin Keiya, Pr.
25. P. Agustinus Alua, Pr.
26. P. Didimus Kosy, OFM.
27. P. Pilipus Elosak, OFM.
28. P. Stefanus Yogi, Pr.
29. P. Santon Tekege, Pr.
30. P. Jan Pieter Fatem, OSA.
31. P. Lukas A.Y. Sosar, OSA.
32. P. Yance Yogi, Pr.
33. P. Timotius Sefire, OFM.
34. P. Ibrani Kwijangge, Pr.
35. P. Philipus Sedik, OSA.
36. P. Fransiskus Utii, Pr.
37. P. Damianus Adii, Pr.
38. P. Honoratus Pigai, Pr.
39. P. Selpius Goo, Pr.
40. P. John Kandam, Pr.
41. P. Moses Amiset, Pr.
42. P. Rufinus Maday, Pr.
43. P. Pius Cornelis Manu, Pr.
44. P. Yosias Wakris, Pr.
45. P. Hilarius N.D. Pekey, Pr.
46. P. Simon Kaize, MSC.
47. P. Yosep Ikikitaro, Pr.
48. P. Aloysius Alue Daby, Pr.
49. P. Theo Makai, Pr.
50. P. Emanuel Bofit Koman Air, OSA.
51. P. Lewi Ibori, OSA.
52. P. Paulus Trorba, OSA.
53. P. Athanasius Bame, OSA.
54. P. Kaitanus Tarong, MSC.
55. P. Hendrikus Kariwop, MSC.
56. P. Fransiskus Yerkohok, Pr.
57. P. Yohanes Warpopor, Pr.
58. P. Bartolomeus Uropmabin OFM.